During a campaign forum in the Cleveland suburbs last month, President Bush was asked whether he likes broccoli, to disclose his "most important legacy to the American people" and to reveal what supporters can do "to make sure that you win Ohio and get reelected."
. . .
Wayne Fields, a specialist in presidential rhetoric at Washington University, said the first debate showed Bush had been overprotected. "If you don't talk to the press and deal with audiences with some degree of skepticism, you can't build understanding so people have confidence in you in hard times," Fields said. "His handlers think they're doing him a favor, but they're not."
. . .
The president has stopped taking questions from the small pool of reporters who cover his photo opportunities, and he has answered questions from the White House press corps twice since Aug. 23, both times with interim Iraqi Prime Minister Ayad Allawi at his side. His last prime-time news conference was April 13.
. . .
Tonight's town-hall audience of about 100 will ask 15 to 20 questions and will consist of an equal number of voters who say they lean toward Bush or Kerry but could change their minds, plus a few who say they are undecided. Bush's debate negotiators had sought to eliminate the event from the debate schedule because they were concerned that partisans could pose as uncommitted voters and slip in with tough or argumentative questions.
. . .
Mike McCurry, who was Clinton's press secretary and is a senior adviser to Kerry, said Bush was hurt in the first debate because his aides do not appear to recognize the benefits of having reporters "regularly ask the hard questions that are on the mind of the public."
"They have been very effective and disciplined at managing a message and getting through," McCurry said. "Until now, they have not paid any real price in their press coverage. They have mostly been getting out of the news every day what they wanted to."
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A16131-2004Oct7.html
If a man says he has a gun, acts like he has a gun, and convinces everyone around him he has a gun, and starts waving it around and behaving recklessly, the police are justified in shooting him (even if it turns out later he just had a black bar of soap). Similarly, according to the Duelfer report, Saddam seems to have intentionally convinced other countries, and his own generals, that he had WMDs. He also convinced much of the U.S. government. If we reacted accordingly and he turns out not to have had WMDs, whose fault is that?The problem with this analogy is that Saddam stopped waving the black bar of soap around.
To cheers in Michigan, Mr. Bush asserted that under Mr. Kerry, the nation would have to "wait for a grade from other nations and leaders'' before acting to protect itself. Mr. Kerry has repeatedly said that he would not give up the right to act pre-emptively "in any way necessary to protect the United States,'' but has suggested that any president would need to demonstrate legitimate reasons for such an action.To laughter, Mr. Bush said that Mr. Kerry would impose "Hillary care'' on America, a huge national health care program that would impose increased federal control over the health care decisions of citizens. Mr. Kerry's health care plan is significantly larger than the one Mr. Bush has offered, and it includes increased reliance on Medicaid and state health insurance programs for the poor. But unlike what Mrs. Clinton proposed in 1993, it would not create any big new federal bureaucracy and would retain the current employer-based system, and Mr. Kerry said he was averse to any kind of national health care plan.
To boos, Mr. Bush said that Mr. Kerry had set "artificial timetables'' for pulling troops out of Iraq, which the president warned would embolden the enemy and endanger the troops. In fact, Mr. Kerry said that he could envision beginning to withdraw troops in as little as six months, but only if he succeeded in moving Iraq toward stability, and has decline repeatedly to set a timeline.
Bush doesn't trust his own record. He must, like so many voters, find it so fundamentally indefensible that he can only try to win by shredding a caricature of John Kerry. But just as Cheney and republicans thought the Vice President had won the debate only to see him considered the loser the next morning when fact checkers proved he lied about never meeting Edwards and never suggesting a connection of Iraq to 9/11, so too is Bush beginning to lose in the poll as his own lies about Kerry and the facts in Iraq become more divorced from reality.
Now - picture the Democrats nominating a candidate who takes the war on terror seriously, who wants to finish the job in Iraq, and who doesn't see every foreign policy issue as a rerun of Vietnam.Another is this: If Bush were a Tony Blair-style Republican, who could articulate an argument without resorting to rhetoric like this when left on his own:A Tony Blair-style Democrat would probably be trouncing Bush right now. Karl Rove & Co. are very lucky to have the opponents they do.
http://www.nationalreview.com/kerry/kerry200410071308.asp
Of course we're doing everything we can to protect America. I wake up every day thinking about how best to protect America. That's my job.I work with Director Mueller of the FBI; comes in my office when I'm in Washington every morning, talking about how to protect us. There's a lot of really good people working hard to do so.
It's hard work. But, again, I want to tell the American people, we're doing everything we can at home, but you better have a president who chases these terrorists down and bring them to justice before they hurt us again,
then Karl Rove wouldn't have to worry.
If Bush were a responsible president, who could admit mistakes and level with the American people, then Karl Rove wouldn't have to worry.
If Bush were an honest president, who looked at both sides of the conflicting intelligent estimates he was receiving back in late 2002 and early 2003, if his White House hadn't deliberately suppressed that evidence, then Karl Rove wouldn't have to worry.
But Bush isn't honest, isn't responsible, and certainly, when bereft of prepared text and asked to think on his own, isn't articulate.
He is in short, no Tony Blair.
And so Karl Rove has to worry and thus his campaign runs on one strategy and one strategy only: deny reality and destroy the opposition in everyway possible. So a major policy speech isn't a vision for the future, but a bait and switch (just like the reasons for this war in Iraq), that's really just a castigation of Kerry built on a string truth-distorting one-liners.
Bush is desparate and it shows. He's been caught lying, caught shifting, caught short and is increasingly found wanting. If John Kerry were as forthright as Tony Blair, Bush would in fact be toast. If George Bush were as forthright as Tony Blair, Kerry wouldn't stand a chance.
But Kerry has a chance because as weak a candidate as Kerry is, Bush is that much worse a leader and president. And the facts in Iraq past and present make that impossible to hide. Even for Karl Rove.
Mr. Duelfer's 900-page report concluded that contrary to Bush administration's assertions on the eve of war, the Hussein regime had rid itself of chemical and biological weapons, nor was it well on the way to having nuclear weapons.
Today, Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney seemed to embrace other findings by Mr. Duelfer, that Mr. Hussein planned to reconstitute his military's deadly-weapons capabilities once United Nations sanctions on him were lifted, and that he was constantly scheming to skirt those sanctions.
http://nytimes.com/2004/10/07/politics/campaign/07CND-BUSH.html?
With virtually all of the administration’s original case for war in Iraq in
tatters, Vice President Dick Cheney provided shifting and sometimes misleading
arguments in last night’s debate with John Edwards about Saddam Hussein’s ties
to terrorists and his access to weapons of mass destruction.
WASHINGTON, Oct. 6 — Iraq now appears to have destroyed its
stockpiles of illicit weapons within months of the Persian Gulf war of 1991, and
by the time of the American invasion in spring 2003, its capacity to produce
such weapons was continuing to erode, the top American inspector in Iraq said in
a report made public today.
Contradicting the main argument for a war that has cost more than 1,000
American lives, the top U.S. arms inspector reported today that he found no
evidence that Iraq produced any weapons of mass destruction after 1991. The
report also says Saddam Hussein's weapons capability weakened during a dozen
years of U.N. sanctions before the U.S. invasion last year.
Contrary to prewar statements by President Bush and top administration
officials, Saddam did not have chemical and biological stockpiles when the war
began and his nuclear capabilities were deteriorating, not advancing, according
to the report by Charles Duelfer, head of the Iraq Survey Group.
Cheney & Edwards Mangle Facts
Getting it wrong about combat pay, Halliburton, and FactCheck.org
10.06.2004
Summary
<>Cheney wrongly implied that FactCheck had defended his tenure as CEO of Halliburton Co., and the vice president even got our name wrong. He overstated matters when he said Edwards voted "for the war" and "to commit the troops, to send them to war." He exaggerated the number of times Kerry has voted to raise taxes, and puffed up the number of small business owners who would see a tax increase under Kerry's proposals.Edwards falsely claimed the administration "lobbied the Congress" to cut the combat pay of troops in Iraq, something the White House never supported, and he used misleading numbers about jobs.
http://factcheck.org/article.aspx?docID=272
To be fair, I've posted the full summary, which is also critical of some of Edwards' remarks. But it was Cheney who wrongly invoked FactCheck. Of course, he gave the wrong URL too, but let's assume that was an innocent mistake, and that he meant to say FactCheck.org.
Oct. 11 issue -- No wonder President Bush lost round one in Miami: he got rusty living in the bubble. The president looked peeved in the debate cutaway shots not just because he's a competitive guy, but because John Kerry was leveling harsh criticism to his face—a new experience for him. Bush claims not to want yes men and women around him but he's had little experience in the past four years with anyone else. Not since last winter—when he handled Tim Russert poorly and botched a press conference by refusing to admit any mistakes—has Bush taken tough questions in public. Instead of responding to those failed outings with more practice, the Bush team took the most inaccessible president in 75 years and cut him off even further from reality. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/6160550/site/newsweek/
But here is the cold, hard truth: This war has been hugely mismanaged by this administration, in the face of clear advice to the contrary at every stage, and as a result the range of decent outcomes in Iraq has been narrowed and the tools we have to bring even those about are more limited than ever. What happened?And why did Bush turn this war into a campaign set piece? Why did ideology trump facts and strategy? Why? Because Bush lacks the courage to leave his political base. He doesn't trust the American people. He won't truly engage them and speak frankly to them; he speaks only from staged political set pieces and campaign ad propaganda. He even fakes press conferences. In a democracy he fakes press conferences. If Bush can't give a speech before adoring believers programmed to roar approval at every applause line, then he'd rather not speak at all.
The Bush team got its doctrines mixed up: it applied the Powell Doctrine to the campaign against John Kerry - "overwhelming force" without mercy, based on a strategy of shock and awe at the Republican convention, followed by a propaganda blitz that got its message across in every possible way, including through distortion. . . . [A]las, while the Bush people applied the Powell Doctrine in the Midwest, they applied the Rumsfeld Doctrine in the Middle East. And the Rumsfeld Doctrine is: "Just enough troops to lose."
. . .
Mr. Bush is president, charged with protecting the national interest, and yet from the beginning he has run Iraq policy as an extension of his political campaign.
http://www.nytimes.com/2004/10/03/opinion/03friedman.html?oref=login&th